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![]() I've always loved Hector Berlioz's Harold en Italie ("Harold in Italy"), The tale of the creation of Harold in Italy has often been told, With that in mind, Berlioz wrote that after a concert of his Symphonie Fantastique "a man with long hair, piercing eyes and a strange and haggard face" introduced himself.
Why in the world did Paganini seek Berlioz for this commission? Their relationship was strained – months earlier, Paganini had declined to play at a benefit Berlioz had organized for Harriet Smithson, an actress upon whom he doted and later married, while Berlioz was conspicuously absent from a gala Paganini recital. Indeed, while surely aware of his reputation, Berlioz never heard Paganini play. And why for a solo display piece? Berlioz was known for his restless orchestration, shifting textures and formal experimentation. Perhaps, to his lasting credit, Paganini recognized a fellow visionary who could lift his artistry to new heights. In any event, they announced to the press a mammoth work for orchestra, chorus and solo viola to be entitled Les dernier instants de Mary Stuart ("The Last Moments of Mary Stuart"), the "Queen of Scots" who had been executed in 1587 after two decades of imprisonment and political intrigue. According to Berlioz, he tried to combine the solo lines with the orchestra, feeling sure that Paganini's incomparable execution would enable him to give the solo instrument all its due prominence. Yet, when presented with the first movement, Paganini rejected it as having too many rests, insisting that he wanted to be playing all the time. Berlioz then recast the work as a series of orchestral scenes "in which the viola finds itself mixed up [while] always preserving his individuality." But Paganini's connection with Harold did not end with his disavowal of the work. After attending a December 1838 performance, sapped by the illness that already had taken his voice and before long would take his life, Paganini dragged the composer back on stage, knelt down and kissed his hand. The next day, Paganini's son delivered an ecstatically flattering letter in florid Italian that began: "Beethoven spento non c'era che Berlioz che potesse farlo rivivere." ("Beethoven is dead and Berlioz alone can revive him.") Included was a draft for 20,000 francs (about twice Berlioz's annual earnings) to be presented to Baron de Rothschild. (Many have speculated that the funds were from an anonymous admirer – possibly his publisher Armand Bertini – since Paganini was in financial straits after a disastrous investment in a Paris casino. Ernest Newman, though, feels that Paganini hoped to benefit from the publicity surrounding the gesture to counter widespread criticism of his stinginess.)
Harold's musical roots are equally intriguing. After three unsuccessful attempts, in 1830 Berlioz had finally won the prestigious Prix de Rome, a four year scholarship awarded by the French government for study in Italy, which required annual compositions. Berlioz fulfilled his obligation for 1831 with his Rob Roy Overture, for which critical opinion has been sharply divided. Francis Tovey calls it "quite an engaging work," while Hugh Macdonald dubs it "vacuous and repetitive," and suggests that Berlioz deliberately wrote it with the assumption that official taste of the conservative Academy preferred the commonplace to the inspired. Berlioz himself called it "long and diffuse," and claimed to have been so disappointed with its reception at its first and only performance that he burned the score (although the copy he submitted to the French Academy survived). Yet, Berlioz clearly retained some affection for it, as its two primary themes, as well as a lengthy development section, play prominent roles in Harold. Its full title – Intrada de Rob Roy MacGregor – explains much of the Scottish flavor that carries over into Harold – as does the initial concept of the Mary Stuart piece. Indeed, D. Kern Holomon notes a striking similarity of a key Harold theme to the Scotttish song "Scotts wha' hae wi' Wallace bled." Although traditional in comparison to the five-movement Symphonie Fantastique (and the seven-movement vocal Romeo et Juliet), Harold shares with the former work an idée fixe
As for literary inspiration, Berlioz claimed that his new work was written in the style of Lord Byron's immensely popular 1812-18 epic poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage. Berlioz may also have been attracted to the Byron poem as an extraordinary technical feat. Despite its extreme length, each stanza is written in a strict form consisting of eight lines of iambic pentameter and a final line of iambic hexameter in a rhyme scheme of ababbcbcc. Berlioz's Harold, too, is an uneasy alliance of classical technique and free-thinking attitude. Indeed, despite its lesser status in the Berlioz symphonic canon, Harold displays all of his most important hallmarks. Many historians regard the most significant formal innovation in Berlioz's three great symphonies (I'm purposely excluding his turgid, ceremonial 1840 Grande Symphonie Funèbre et Triomphale) to have ushered in an era of program music. Paul Henry Lang notes: "Berlioz raised program music from a rather occasional indulgence to a constructive principle of composition." Yet, Lang notes, it spawned inherent friction, as the descriptive elements of Berlioz's literary plan were the antithesis of symphonic abstraction and deflected the natural flow of the music. To Lang, rather than let his unfettered emotion run free with spontaneous feeling, Berlioz tended to lapse into outmoded formal clichés. J. H. Elliott summed it up: "Berlioz's best is wonderful, his worst appalling – and the twain, with the degrees between them, are inextricably confused together." Or, in Harold Schonberg's more flattering assessment, all Berlioz's work is a mixture of flaws and genius; moments of inspiration alternate with banalities, overwriting, self-conscious posing, weak melodies and awkward transitions, yet all such blemishes wither before his prodigious power, originality and ardent Romanticism. In furtherance of the program, each movement of Harold begins with a descriptive title that tends to draw more attention than the formal structure. Egon Kenton posits that the titles were grafted on as an afterthought, to ease the audience's shock of listening to novel music they might otherwise not be able to grasp. The first is entitled: "Harold aux Montagnes. Scènes de mélancolie, de bonheur et de joie" ("Harold in the mountains. Scenes of melancholy, happiness and joy"). While often described as a modified sonata form, over half its length is a slow introduction launched with a sinuous fugue, as if to suggest the academic doldrums from which Berlioz sought escape in nature. Only after the languor is dispelled by the Harold theme does the sonata form emerge and become apparent. While commentators may (and often do) debate the success of his formal merits, there can be no dispute as to two technical areas in which Berlioz transformed music. The first is orchestration. In his authoritative History of Orchestration, Adam Carse dubs Berlioz "by far the most progressive, original, independent and daring orchestrator of his time." Indeed, Carse suspects that Berlioz sometimes built up music in order to show off a preconceived instrumental effect (and perhaps, in that process, he generated the stretches that in a traditional sense seemed uninspired). Yet, Carse notes with irony that Berlioz's music never became popular enough to significantly influence either his contemporaries or successors to adopt his innovations. (Julian Rushton suggests that Berlioz relished the conflict between audiences' generic expectations and his musical reality.) More than any other factor, Berlioz's daring instrumentation arose from seeming deficits in his training – after Haydn, he was only the second great composer who had not risen from the ranks of virtuoso performers. He also had little interest in most music of the past.
Berlioz poured his extensive yet intuitive knowledge of instrumentation into one of the classics of music literature, his 1843 Grande Traité d'instrumentation et d'orchestration modernes which explores with great thoroughness the impact of each instrument on listener perception and remains relevant. For Joel-Marie Fouquet, through this treatise Berlioz evolved the science of instrumentation into the art of orchestration. The second movement of Harold is an extraordinary display of Berlioz's skill in that realm. Its title: "Marche de pélerins chantant la prière du soir" ("March of pilgrims singing the evening prayer"). The first section comprises 16 repetitions of a gentle pilgrim's march theme over a walking bass that sustains interest through subtle variation, both of the theme itself and the timbre as it wends its way through various instrumental combinations. After a central section of a religious canto that builds in an urgent harmonic progression and an abbreviated repeat of the opening comes a remarkable coda of breathless tension in which sustained clashing notes of b (horns) and c (harp, oboe and flute) alternate 11 times before relaxing into a concluding E-major chord. Ironically, although this movement was the most popular segment of Harold at the time (often performed alone) and thus was considered the most conservative, its slightly altered persistent repetitions now can be seen as a thoroughly modern harbinger of minimalism. Berlioz's other undisputed realm of mastery is rhythm. Théophile Gautier likens his rhythmic sophistication to that of poet Victor Hugo, who disdained the simple lines of classical art and used devices to vary the monotony of poetic phrasing. Indeed, Harold has an, edgy, natural feel that defies bar lines and strict timing with syncopation, dropped beats and unexpected accents. Once we know the piece, following the score can be both frustrating and exhilarating, as we can feel a great tension as Berlioz forced his free-wheeling conception into the rigid conventions of notation. The third movement of Harold proudly displays Berlioz's rhythmic prowess. Entitled "Sérénade d'un Montagnard des Abruzzes à son maîtresse" ("Serenade of an Abruzzian mountaineer to his sweetheart"), it opens with a jaunty rustic oboe and piccolo theme over a sustained open fifth drone and a peppy, syncopated string rhythm, then lapses into a slow, plaintive English horn melody over gently shifting string harmonies. The opening rhythm, forlorn melody and a lazily augmented version of the Harold theme return in an astounding coda where, remarkably, they are overlaid as three independent events occupying the same sonic space, a thoroughly baffling complexity in the context of its era yet a harbinger of the autonomous events of 20th century "chance" music. Even beyond their evocative titles, each of the first three movements are enriched by resonances of the composer's travels.
While much of Harold is grounded in the composer's cherished memories, the fourth movement culminates the work with a flight of pure fantasy that deliriously displays all the hallmarks of Berlioz's style. It begins, though, with "Souvenirs des scènes précédentes" ("Memories of the previous scenes") as the solo viola recalls to the full orchestra the themes of each prior movement – a conscious throwback to the finale of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony. (Actually, the paradigm's scheme is reversed – Beethoven's orchestra offers prior themes which angry celli rebuff and then emerge with their own soothing "Ode to Joy," whereas Berlioz's ensemble sympathetically supports the viola's citation of earlier ideas and melds them into its own upbeat fervor.) Then begins the true finale – "Orgy des brigands" ("Brigands' orgy"). Jacques Barzun notes that brigands were rebels who turned to nature to heal the wounds of society, and that Berlioz seized upon their revelry as a violent purging that symbolized an antidote to the repressions of conventional life. In his Mémoires Berlioz describes the scene as "a furious orgy where wine, blood, joy, rage, all combined, parade their intoxication … the brass seem to vomit forth curses and to answer prayers with blasphemies; where they laugh, drink, fight, destroy, slay, violate and utterly run riot." Yet, Berlioz knew that ten minutes of relentless bombastic din would be ineffective, and so added a complementary vision that: "violins, basses, trombones, drums and cymbals all sang and bounded and roared with diabolical order and concord." Thus, the fury is balanced by quiet moments and even the mighty climaxes shimmer with what Carse salutes as shrewd orchestration and a meticulous tonal balance. Indeed, Berlioz prefaces the frenzied culmination with a brilliant contrasting touch – a soft off-stage string trio that wistfully recalls the peaceful pilgrim's march before the revelry overrides it. Rhythmic complexity abounds, bar lines virtually disappear, duple and triple meters are overlaid, and, in a novel touch, several emphatic held notes are prefaced with a tied sixteenth that disrupts the expected downbeat with a sense of great anticipatory urgency. Perhaps the greatest challenge Berlioz set for himself in Harold was to develop the long-neglected viola into a featured voice. String historian Tully Potter considers the instrument inherently unstabile and treacherous to play at both ends of its range, which lies a fifth below the brilliance of the violin yet an octave above the richness of a cello, and notes that in order to obtain acoustical balance it would have to be too large to play as a shoulder instrument; thus, its compromised size imparts a nasal, throaty tone to its middle register. While they routinely included violas in orchestra string sections, composers of the Romantic era displayed none of the interest in the viola as a solo instrument that had enriched music of the 18th century and would revive in the 20th.
Berlioz seized upon the viola's status as an outsider in the world of 19th century music (with which he undoubtedly identified) to fashion a fascinating, highly personalized role for it throughout Harold. Like Berlioz himself, the solo viola finds itself increasingly isolated from the orchestral mainstream. In the first movement, it seems at one with the orchestral depiction of nature – it launches the Harold theme to break out of the rigidity of the opening orchestral fugue, and then in a series of fitful rising figures, struggles to rouse itself and find an appropriate melody for the sonata portion, in which the full orchestra heartily joins, producing a partnership where each stimulates the other in a unified concerted blend of rising excitement and driving momentum. The relationship unravels in the second movement, though – at first an augmented Harold theme blends harmoniously with the pilgrim song, next becomes disruptive with triplet rhythm, and then turns downright annoying, as rapid arpeggiated chords (emulating the guitar Berlioz liked to strum on his mountain walks) are played sul ponticello [near the bridge] for a gratingly nasal, whiny tone that sours the peaceful meditation of the solemn prayer like a rowdy child in church. The third movement finds the solo viola marginalized, emerging only to play its Harold theme as a distant observer to the intensely human amorous activity being depicted. After the finale leaves reminiscences of the earlier movements behind, the viola is utterly silent, as if Berlioz, having conjured an onslaught of evil and rebellion, finds himself too timid to join in – or, as if, as Hugh Macdonald put it, Berlioz was temperamentally a stranger to his own wishful imaginings. Indeed, it is only heard once more – harmonizing with the off-stage trio's vain attempt to restore a brief breath of serene stability, after which the boiling orchestra leaves them all decisively behind to seal its mutiny. In his Mémoires, Berlioz blamed the disastrous November 23, 1834 premiere of Harold on the conductor, Girard, who failed to accelerate the end of the first movement, leaving it cold and languid, and then lost count during an encore of the second, calling out for the orchestra to jump to the end. But no matter – the audience seemed far more interested in La Captive, Berlioz's setting of the Hugo poem of the erotic reveries of a harem slave. (The next performance two weeks later gained even lesser notice – the audience was wowed by Chopin, a guest star who played the Romanze from his first piano concerto.) Berlioz was so upset by the premiere that he resolved never to let anyone else conduct any of his work, and to prevent inadequate performances he closely guarded the scores and delayed their publication (Harold appeared only in 1848). Even so, for posterity, Berlioz left some quixotic and obsessively detailed instructions in his score, including placement of the players (the solo viola is to be near the harp), the type of drum-sticks to use on various phrases, the method of rolling tambourines (with the fingers), the number of beats to give in certain measures, and a caution that a gradual crescendo is to extend evenly over 115 measures. By all accounts, including his own, Berlioz was an exacting conductor who rehearsed each section intensively – from a 1843 concert he cut the finale, finding the trombones incompetent and the violins too few for the sound he required. (The sound Berlioz sought was indeed mammoth – his ideal orchestra would have had 435 players, including 120 violins, 16 horns and 30 harps!) Perhaps in reaction to the emotional egoistic style of Paganini that induced the work, and consistent with his goal of teamwork among all players, Berlioz criticized Wagner's conducting as too free and acclaimed a performance of Harold in which the viola solo had fine rhythmic control and another in which the solo was played by a violinist of the orchestra "who had no pretensions to being a virtuoso." We can only wonder what the impassioned composer would have thought of the diverse recordings we now have of his neglected symphony. While according to Lance Brunner's compilation, the Symphonie Fantastique boasted four complete recordings (led by Rhené-Bâton, Fried, Weismann and Weingartner) within the first year of the electrical era,
Primrose recalled that he first learned the part at the request of Arturo Toscanini For quite a while it seemed that Primrose virtually owned Harold on record. Primrose appeared yet again in 1958 Curiously, Another dynasty of Harold For the full historical treatment, John Eliot Gardiner Despite these fine accounts from veteran conductors, Among other recordings I've enjoyed, the budget-priced version by Rivka Golani But even amid the excellence of these recordings, my all-time favorite is the overlooked 1953 recording by Hermann Scherchen and the Royal Philharmonic (Westminster LP, briefly available in a 4-CD Tahra box). The many sources for information about Harold In Italy and Berlioz in general begin with the composer's own Mémoires, available in several editions and translations. Among biographies, I found those by D. Kern Holomon (Harvard University Press, 1989), David Cairns (University of California, 1999) and Hugh Macdonald (J. M. Dent & Sons, 1982) especially informative. Macdonald also authored a BBC Music Guide to Berlioz's Orchestral Music (University of Washington Press 1969) and Cairns contributed a valuable article on Berlioz to The Symphony compendium edited by Robert Simpson (Penguin, 1966). The Cambridge Companion to Berlioz (edited by Peter Bloom, Cambridge University Press 2000) includes articles by Julian Preston on genre, Pierre Citron on the Mémoires and Joel-Marie Fouquet on the Grande Traité d'instrumentation et d'orchestration. Jacques Barzin's Berlioz and the Romantic Century (Little, Brown & Company 1950) is an extraordinary and extensive analysis of the composer in the context of his psyche and times. Paul Henry Lang's sweeping Music in Western Civilization (W. W. Norton & Company 1941) is deeply insightful and personal. Above all else, the full orchestral score (reprinted by Dover in the same volume as the Symphonie Fantastique, 1984) displays the extraordinary complexity of Berlioz's conception. This article is indebted to all of these, along with liner notes to the LPs and CDs I've cited. Copyright 2008 by Peter Gutmann | |||||||
For a note about the illustrations, please click here.
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